The outlines of a society based on the free use of time are only beginning to appear in the interstices of, and in opposition to, the present social order. Its watchword may be defined as; let us work less so that we all may work and do more things by ourselves in our free time. Socially useful labour, distributed over all those who are willing and able to work, will thus cease to be anyone’s exclusive or leading activity. Instead, people’s major occupation may be one or a number of self-defined activities, carried out not for money but for the interest, pleasure or benefit involved.
— Gorz, André (1982). “Farewell to the working class: an essay on post-industrial socialism”.
Plaza Indonesia LB 27-27A
Jl. MH. Thamrin Kav. 28-30
A subculture of consumption comes into existence as people identify with certain objects or consumption activities, through those objects or activities, identify with other. The unifying consumption patterns are governed by a unique ethos or set of common values. The structure of the subculture, which governs social interactions within it, and which we now address, is a direct reflection of the commitment of individuals to the ethos.
— Schouten, J.; McAlexander, J. H. (1995). “Subcultures of Consumption: An Ethnography of the New Bikers”.
Also, consumer culture theory.
The Foundry No. 8
Kawasan Niaga Terpadu Sudirman (SCBD) Lot. 8
Jl. Jend. Sudirman Kav. 52-53
I mistyped flickr, fluckr.
Indonesia making headway toward an open society noted Budi Djafar for The Jakarta Post. ‘Open society’ can be considered a sociopolitical model of participatory politics. Electoral activity, lobbying, and organizational activity are most common examples of participatory politics practiced–and as participatory as coups and mass demonstration. Similar to the idea of ‘open society’, Lester W. Milbrath categorized a mode of politic practice referred to as overt participatory politics whereby political actions are conducted in public; a televised political debate, for instance. Due to democratization for over a decade under Reform Order government, orientation of politics in Indonesia have been largely modernized from the predominantly parochial and ethnocultural characterized politics of Indonesia’s representative democracy. Political orientation determines either cognitive, affective, and evaluative both governmental and public decision-making process crucial to electoral activity. ‘Open society’ politics is distinguishable by procedural aspects. Present day technology more so than ever transformatively and adaptively allows a public engaging sociopolitical platform as the substantive element of democracy: a political system which public policies are made on a majority basis by representatives subject to control at periodic elections, conducted on the principle of political equality and under conditions of political freedom. ‘Open society’ is regarded beneficial also in improving human capacity building in terms of administering regional-specific resources of the archipelagic nation.
Readings: Arie S. Soesilo, dkk (2007), Budiardjo (1984), Almond & Verba (1990)
Read also: Commentary: Disconnection with voters undermines participatory democracy
Organizations map out indigenous community territories of Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Papua, and Java, some reported to be in conflict with mining, logging and palm oil plantation businesses concerning land use and related environmental issues. Environmental non governmental organizations collaboratively launched the project site to document and track land conflicts present in disputed territories. The mapping initiative by organizations may not guarantee resolution of agrarian conflicts, assuming it is put to use as technical aid for both indigenous communities and businesses to achieve ecological resolution. Geodata mapping suggests the term “community” to a classic definition comprising locality and community sentiment, presenting indigenous communities as territorial groups. As territorial group, indigenousity is not the, not the sole at the least, feature validating authority of geographic region. Constitutionally, authority of indigenous community, masyarakat adat, concerns: externally presenting traits of indigenousity, the adat; administering indigenous rights and or welfares; resolving conflicts. Social forestry relevantly accomodates the communities’ socioeconomic rights of land use. Organizations’ main argument, however, is to regulate territories not as social forestry, but as customary land, owned by indigenous communities and administered in accordance to indigenous customs or the hak ulayat. Whether or not collaborators upholds conflict resolution principle as frame of reference, Geodata mapping is a starting point for environmental organizations in improving technical aptness in the realm of activism.
Readings: Mustain Mashud, dkk (2010)
Rohingya asylum seekers find shelter at Kebon Baru, Jakarta. Having fled from conflicting Myanmar, the Rohingyas is part of 6,000 asylum seekers–due for refugee status–to temporarily settle in Indonesia. Rohingya asylum seekers are not settling permanently in Indonesia, despite the fact Indonesia with Islam as religion of the majority may be an appropriate country for Muslim Rohingyas. Coordinated by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UN HCR) for Indonesia, a social intervention of asylum seekers as crisis group is a preliminary, and supposedly obligatory, phase prior to a resettlement. Crisis situation arising from hazardous events–”… suffered (or fear) persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or because they are a member of a persecuted ‘social group’ or because they are fleeing a war or natural disaster” (UN HCR)–cause social disintegration and disorganization to which a crisis group is deprived from its social functioning. Methods of intervention serve either curative, preventive, promotive, or developmental purposes, also attributing certain purpose to another. The main purpose of social intervention is for the crisis group to regain social functioning. Misconception of “seeking refuge” often occurs when the social function to acquire coping and adapting mechanisms deliberately or not omitted from intervention process and inevitably, crippling its outcome. When granted permission, lacking proper social functioning may induce worsened social issues at designated “third” countries. Understanding a place of refuge as social environment, it then ought to contain and maintain elements of: transaction, energy, interface, adaptation, coping (ability), interdependency within social interaction. Thus, not merely measured on geopolitical dimension however also sociological dimension, signifying granted refugees as actor of their specified sociopolitical resource and surroundings.
Readings: Boediman Hardjomarsono, dkk (2007), Zastrow & Ashman (1987)
Poverty relief program is being planned in anticipation of fuel subsidies cutpending approval from House of Representatives. To DKI Jakarta governor, Joko Widodo, cash assistance policy may imply a counterproductive social relation between central government and the country’s low income economy. The policy may discourage the poor to initiatively improve their living quality, depriving it from normative resources and institutional ground. Normative resources integrate modernizing values along progressive policies propelling industrialized economy and urbanization; societal institutions place civic competence such as the Wawasan Nusantara and establishing collectives as standard of economic conduct. Governor’s concerns may have more significance with structural factors of poverty rather than the monetary effect of fuel subsidies cut to increased prices should it be approved–the bigger picture. Cash assistance has previously been provided for around 19,1 million poor households from year 2008 to 2009 in similar situation. Examination of structural poverty often leads to call for change on foundational level, answerable by social security programs modeled by Pola Kelembagaan Lokal, Pola Ekonomi Produktif, Pola Ekonomi Bersubsidi, and Pola Hibah. Developing forementioned social security programs does not eliminate granting of capital, “handouts”, to the poor. The case in point is whether or not the social relation of government and the underprivileged indicates welfare efficiency and encourages social economic initiatives.
Readings: Mustain Mashud, dkk (2010), Soemardjan (1980), Sumodiningrat (1987)